Purpose: Sending opponents to exile was an infamous punishment, practiced during the time of Reza Shah. In order to reveal dimensions of the practice, this paper asks who, why, and by which authorities people were sent to exile.Method and Research Design: Data for this paper was gathered from archival records held in the depositories of the National Archive of Iran.Findings: Soon after the enthronement Reza Shah, Ali Akbar Davar was appointed as the minister of justice to set up a modern judiciary system. A new Penal Code which passed the Majlis (the Parliament) in 1925, was an important component of the.In the new legislation, a number of punishments were replaced by exile. Consequently, the number of people sent exile increased. Many of exiles were not issued by courts of law, but were decisions made by the police chiefs and by the military .Legislations such as mandatory military service, uniform civil clothing, and forced settlement of nomads caused rebellion in different sectors. Exile was a common way of suppressing such events.

Confronting with religious scholars and limiting the scope of their actions and views and finally the removal of religious aspects from the politics and government and fighting with the religious manifestations and religious assemblies in society, have been the main purposes of the tyrant and secular empires in the political history of Iran. Reza Shah dealt with these issues more than the others. He became the King of Iran in the year 1333 AH and gradually tried to destroy or at least loosen the foundation of the clerics and Shia religion. Apart from his opposing actions and behaviors against the Shia religion and its main manifestations, his efforts in confining religious scholars need to be taken into consideration. After reviewing the deeds of the first Pahlavi (educational reforms, the establishment of customary courts and justice organization, etc.), research findings suggest that, Reza Shah was seeking to undermine Shia religion in Iran and to marginalize the religious scholars from the arenas of politics and society.

During the Qajar period, and especially after the Constitutional Revolution, the conquest of Tehran, and World War I, the Bakhtiari acquired modern, well-equipped weapons. It was with these weapons that they not only managed to maintain their supremacy, but also often posed serious challenges to the central government of Iran. With the coming to power of the Pahlavi government, Reza Shah Pahlavi decided to weaken the power of the Bakhtiari by taking weapons from them. In this research, descriptive-analytical method and using historical sources and documents are tried to answer these questions: What were the goals and motives of the Pahlavi government to disarm the Bakhtiari tribe? And how did the Bakhtiari react to their disarmament? The findings of this study show that Reza Shah Pahlavi, in order to prevent the military threats of the Bakhtiari people and reduce the dangers of their power to the centralized government, decided to disarm them. They did not and took and handed over some of the guns of their ancestral tribes, but in the second phase of disarmament, which took place after the arrest and execution of Khans by the Pahlavi government, both government officials and Bakhtiari used force and violence. They tried not to hand over all their weapons to them.

The Pahlavi government launched the ‘White Revolution’ including land reforms in 1963. This program was implemented in several stages to achieve economic, political, and cultural transformation. One of the developments of the third phase of this plan was the establishment of the Rural Culture Houses that began in 1968. The authorities of the time argued that the Houses of Culture would prepare villagers across the country to serve the White Revolution. This study investigates the structure of the Rural Culture Houses in Iran during the Pahlavi period based on descriptive and analytical methods. The main question of the study is what was the purpose of forming these houses? Also, what was the model for ​​establishing the Rural Cultural Houses? The findings of this research show that although the Rural Culture Houses were effective in solving some of the problems of the villagers, they were unsuccessful in implementing the essential goals of the program.

The growth of consuming and trading narcotics in Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi era had negative consequences including robbery, smuggling and other impacts of misusing the drugs. The policies adopted for increasing sale of opium annihilated the deterrence measures and paved the way for consuming them. Different political, court and military statesmen occupied in consuming and smuggling narcotics, and they gained huge profits in this regard. Some Pahlavi statesmen were partners with international mafia of narcotics in different parts of the world. One of these statesmen was Felix Aghayan who was regarded as an international smuggler. In this article, done by descriptive-analytical method, we try to examine the role of influent people like Felix Aghayan in promoting the phenomenon of drug smuggling in Mohammad Reza Shah era and prove that Pahlavi regime statesmen occupied in consuming or smuggling narcotics as a profitable business.

Before the urban changes in BabolSar in the Reza Shah Pahlavi era, the identity of this city was tied to its port, custom and fishery, and it was known as MashadSar Port. In Reza Shah Pahlavi era, special cultural and economic evolution happened in international, national and local stages and made BabolSar to experience fundamental urban changes. This article tries to elicit and interpret these evolutions and analyze many formal and informal historical narratives. It uses sources such as itinerary, documents, newspapers of 1928-1941, local, national, and international histories, and applies technics such as deep interview, group discussion, and oral history. It uses qualitative method and applies grounded theory to analyze information. Concepts are categorized in following seven categories: The necessity for going out of port economy (as causes), Preparation of local forces (as intervening conditions), dominant nature (as context conditions), managing forces and violence (as strategies), transforming identity, and changing role of foreigners (as consequences). The core category is “ creative destruction” which covers all of the mentioned categories.

Purpose: This paper reports petitions silkworm farmers of Gilan sent to the National Assembly (The Parliament) between the years 1927-1930 addressing difficulties they faced and asking for help. Method and Research Design: Data for this study was obtained from archival documents held at the Islamic Consultative Assembly and other archival centers. Findings and conclusion: Political developments following the 1906 Constitutional Revolution and the policy of modernization increased the number of demands people forwarded to the central government. Silkworm farmers’ petitions sent from the province of Gilan to the Parliament complaining about the cruelty and injustice committed by landlords and tribal chiefs, accusing them of delivering rotten silkworm eggs to farmers and increasing tax tariffs. The petitions inform the parliament members of harsh economic difficulties that had pushed the farmers to the verge of extreme poverty. Farmers asked for establishing an agriculture school to educate future generations

Discourse, as a system of signs, generally constructs individual and social behaviors. In every order of discourse, a collection of rules and conventions is stipulated in order to construct discourse principles. In regard to their ideological purposes, social actors tend to import signs into their discourse framework. Simultaneously, language as a significant constructive component appears and begins to establish the intended meaning of social actors in a soft manner. Thus Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, at an international level, utilizes language facilities for representing political facts. According to sociopolitical events and governing atmosphere, he attempts to establish signs in his discourse framework. In a semiotic model of this discourse framework, axiomatic signs are set into the center while the others are around the central point. Accordingly, this research focuses mainly on how foregrounding and backgrounding function in foreign policy discourse of Shah. Then in this way, hegemonic and dominant signs have been specified. Moreover, according to dominant discourse features, five periods are determined as follows: first period: 1320-1324, second period: 1325-1332, third period: 1333-1344, fourth period: 1345-1352, and fifth period: 1353-1356; furthermore, a discourse framework is determined for each period. The results show that notorious incidents occurred at certain junctures not only stir "self" and "other" identities within the realm of otherization, but it will also lead to alteration of Shah's framework as well as displacement of signs.

The first Pahlavi took basic measures in the education and created coordinated education system. The goal of the education system was to create a national spirit, cultural unification, and to create a secular society. The government built many schools, developed textbooks for and created a system of free education and paid close attention to the activities of schools. American schools were operating in Tehran and other cities. Although their number was less, they were more popular. The efficient management of these schools and their superior quality made people like these schools. The government also accepted these schools. In this research, relying on library documents and sources with a descriptive analytical method, we examine the activities of American schools during the time of Reza Shah. The findings of the research indicate that at the beginning of the establishment of the Pahlavi, the government did not hinder the activities of these schools, and these schools tried to gain the satisfaction of the government, and in some cases, the government also honored their activities, but due to the political activities of foreign schools, especially American schools, the increase in the number of schools and the increase in the educational quality of Iranian schools, the autocracy of Reza Shah and his interest in cultural assimilation and the non-compliance of foreign schools with the regulations of the Iranian educational system, the government of their activities banned and despite the insistence of the Americans to continue their activities, these schools became the property of the Iran

Tax collection is the most important source of government revenue and one of the most important elements in the bond between the government and the people. If a government independent of society based on underground resources, etc. can meet public expenses, that is, if the tax revenue is insignificant or does not receive any taxes, the nature of the government and its relationship with society changes and it becomes a rentier country. Iran has been considered a rentier country since 1974 due to its underground resource revenues. The relations between the government and the people in political, economic and social issues are different in rentier governments. This article attempts to explain the nature of the rentier government in Iran, study its relationship with the changes in social classes in a historical process, and answer the main question of how the structure and nature of the rentier government can be considered an important factor in the changes in social classes in the second Pahlavi period. The present article is organized based on the historical research method based on description and analysis, and the data were collected based on the aforementioned method and analyzed using the content analysis method. The main findings of the article indicate that the imbalance between the social spheres of a political system is the main factor in the emergence of social class developments.